- Electoral Irregularities: SADC has experienced electoral irregularities undermining the credibility of democratic processes
- Institutional Weaknesses: Electoral commissions have faced accusations of bias, while observer missions prioritised regional stability over accountability
- Reform Imperative: Addressing structural deficits, institutional weaknesses, and the lack of enforcement mechanisms is crucial to strengthening democratic governance and ensuring the integrity of electoral processes in the SADC region
Harare- Africa's electoral landscape has been historically beset by undue influences and authoritarian tendencies, compromising the legitimacy of democratic processes. This has resulted in the continent's peripheral status in global rankings of democratic governance and transparency, as evidenced by its dominant presence in Transparency International's corruption perceptions index.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has not been immune to these challenges, with electoral irregularities and contestations observed in various member states between 2020 and 2024. Notable examples include Malawi's 2019 elections, which were marred by allegations of rigging and subsequently annulled.
A nuanced examination of SADC's electoral dynamics reveals a complex interplay of factors contributing to these challenges. Systemic weaknesses, institutional deficiencies, and undue influences have all been implicated in shaping electoral outcomes. Comparative analyses with South Africa and European countries highlight the need for robust institutional frameworks, democratic safeguards, and transparent electoral processes to ensure the integrity of democratic governance.
In evaluating the SADC region's electoral challenges, it is essential to consider the interplay between incumbent regimes, opposition parties, and institutional actors. While opposition parties' desire for power may be a factor, it is equally important to examine the role of incumbent regimes in perpetuating electoral irregularities and undermining democratic institutions.
Evaluating Electoral Integrity in the SADC Region (2023–2025)
Zimbabwe’s 2023 general elections set a troubling precedent for electoral governance in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) printed 7.1 million ballot papers for 6.6 million registered voters, yet acute shortages emerged in urban opposition strongholds like Harare and Bulawayo. Only 4.5 million voters cast ballots. Voting was extended by a day after logistical breakdowns left some polling stations opening 12 hours late, a move the opposition Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) condemned as deliberate sabotage. President Emmerson Mnangagwa secured 52.6% of the vote, rejected as fraudulent by the opposition. However, SADC’s observer mission acknowledged some unfair practices.
Namibia’s 2024 elections exposed vulnerabilities even in historically stable democracies. The Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) admitted to ballot shortages in urban centres like Windhoek, compounded by overheating electronic registration tablets. Voting, initially scheduled for November 27, was extended to November 30, a move opposition parties deemed illegal under electoral laws.
Delays in material distribution and staff shortages led to late starts at polling stations. SWAPO’s Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah won the presidency with 57% of the vote becoming the first woman president in Africa, retaining a slim parliamentary majority (51 of 96 seats). Opposition, however, rejected the outcome. The election marked a rare stumble for Namibia, damaging confidence in its electoral institutions.
Eswatini’s September 2023 polls, conducted under a monarchy that bans political parties, faced logistical delays and unresolved democratic deficits.
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) descended into chaos during its December 2023 elections, with severe ballot shortages in Kinshasa and voting extensions stretching to December 24. Incumbent Félix Tshisekedi claimed 73% of the vote amid allegations of pre-marked ballots and voter intimidation.
Mozambique’s October 2024 elections saw FRELIMO’s Daniel Chapo win 71% amid violent post-election crackdowns and material shortages in opposition areas, resulting in over 100 deaths by early 2025. Shortages hit opposition strongholds like Maputo and Nampula, with civil society group Sala da Paz reporting over 200 polling stations lacked materials.
FRELIMO denied rigging, but the EU noted “unjustified alterations” in counts, suggesting selective shortages suppressed turnout (officially 43%, or 7 million of 17 million registered voters).
In contrast, Botswana’s October 2024 election stood out as a rare success, with the opposition Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) unseating the long-ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) through a peaceful transfer of power.
Common Trends: Logistical Failures and Institutional Weaknesses
Across SADC, ballot shortages disproportionately affected urban opposition zones, suggesting deliberate logistical neglect. Time extensions and late starts, while intended to remedy delays, often deepened public distrust. Electoral commissions, except in Botswana and South Africa, faced accusations of bias, while observer missions prioritised regional stability over accountability.
SADC’s non-interference policy, rooted in liberation-era solidarity, repeatedly hindered decisive action against irregularities.
South Africa’s 2024 Election: A Regional Bright Spot
Botswana’s October and South Africa’s May 2024 elections contrasted with regional trends.
The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) efficiently managed 23,000 polling stations for 27.7 million registered voters, with no reported shortages or delays.
Transparent processes, judicial oversight, and credible results saw the ANC lose its majority (40.2%), yet outcomes were broadly accepted.
This success, praised by SADC and AU observers, reflected the importance of independent institutions and post-apartheid democratic commitments.
European Benchmarks: Institutional Rigor and Accountability
Europe’s electoral practices, exemplified by France and Germany’s 2024 polls, operate at a higher standard. Ballot shortages are virtually non-existent due to advanced distribution systems, including postal voting.
Strict schedules (e.g., France’s 8 AM–8 PM window) minimize delays, while independent bodies like the Venice Commission enforce accountability. Allegations of rigging, such as in Hungary’s 2022 elections, face rigorous investigation a sharp contrast to SADC’s leniency.
Synthesis: Structural Deficits vs. Institutional Strengths
The SADC region’s electoral challenges are not merely logistical but structural. Weak electoral bodies, ruling party dominance, and SADC’s prioritisation of stability over reform perpetuate cycles of distrust.
South Africa and Botswana’s outlier statuses demonstrate that robust institutions can mitigate these issues, while Europe’s model highlights the role of decades-long institutional refinement.
Until SADC addresses its foundational deficits, opaque commissions, political interference, and a lack of enforcement mechanisms, its elections will remain vulnerable to manipulation, eroding public faith in democratic processes.
These cases highlight SADC’s uneven democratic landscape: Namibia’s institutional strength falters under pressure, Malawi braces for a pivotal 2025 test, Mozambique’s authoritarian drift deepens, and DRC’s scale breeds dysfunction. Each reflects unique challenges, geography, history, governance, but shares a pattern of contested legitimacy.
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